Monday, 16 August 2021

Book Review, Christian Zionism and the Restoration of Israel: How Should We Interpret the Scriptures? Part 1, Matters of history


Book Review, Christian Zionism and the Restoration of Israel: How Should We Interpret the Scriptures? By Dr. Chapman Chapman

Matters of history

Dr. Chapman has written a follow up to his original book, “Whose Promised Land?” This new book is supposed to correct any errors in the original, and interact with the feedback it generated. The book starts with a brief look at the conflicting narratives of history concerning Israel and the Palestinians, and then turns to address a number of important Biblical questions again concerning the restoration of Israel.

This article will examine his conflicting narratives of history.

This section is a little tricky to deal with, as Dr. Chapman presents it simply as his presentation of the two contradictory narratives (Palestinian and Jewish/Israeli), and seemingly makes no attempt to impose any rigour or evaluation of what he presents. We seemingly do not hear his voice. Two things however need to be noted.

1.      Dr. Chapman makes no secret that his sympathies lie with the Palestinians.

2.      He presents the Israeli views first, and then in each instance, presents a Palestinian answer to this claim. The Palestinian answers are always longer than the Israeli comment they respond to. In one case, 3 lines of Israeli comment is answered by 14 lines of Palestinian reply. Overall, his supposed Israeli narrative takes up 982 words, his Palestinian reply takes up 1813 words. These Palestinian replies are presented as the last word, the definitive correction of the earlier, false Israeli claim. This is not a neutral section, but rather an attack on the Israeli narrative. Israelis do not get to rebut any Palestinian claim, rather the Palestinians get to rebut every Israeli claim. No references are provided for any of this material.

I will therefore go through a number of the more egregious responses (which are presented in italics). The references for this material can be found in the relevant sections of my blog-posts; http://colinbarnesblog.blogspot.com/2018/05/where-do-christian-palestinians-fit-in.html and http://colinbarnesblog.blogspot.com/2019/12/inter-communal-muslimchristianjewishrel.html I have included a number of references where the material is particularly important.

On page 19, we read; for 1,300 years there was hardly any friction between these small Jewish communities and their Arab neighbors within Palestine.”

This is totally false. Dr. Chapman should not have allowed such a blatant untruth to go unchallenged in what is presented as a reasonable response. The local Jewish community suffered greatly from the Muslim community. To quote from firsthand accounts;

 1700, Gedaliah of Siemiatyc; “[Muslims] are very hostile towards Jews and inflict upon them vexations in the streets of the city. ... the common folk persecute the Jews for we are forbidden to defend ourselves.” 

1816, “these persecuted people.”

1836, “the persecuted and despised Israelites. … My Jewish friends conducted me around their miserable quarter.”

1839 “the melancholy aspect of the Jews in Jerusalem. The meanness of their dress, their pale faces, and timid expression, all seem to betoken great wretchedness.”

1852 “This Jewish population is poor beyond any adequate word; it is degraded in its social and political condition, to a state of misery, so great, that it possesses no rights. … he is spiritless from oppression, … a creature less than a dog, and below the oppressed Christian beggar.”

 In 1854 Karl Marx wrote; “Nothing equals the misery and the suffering of the Jews of Jerusalem, inhabiting the most filthy quarter of the town . . . [They are] the constant objects of Mussulman oppression and intolerance, insulted by the Greeks [Orthodox], persecuted by the Latins [Catholics].”

1856 “the Jews are humiliated.” The town cesspit was situated in the midst of the Jewish quarter. “It was distressing to behold the timidity which long ages of oppression had engendered.”

1879 “Likewise it is impossible for Jewish women to venture into the streets because of the lewdness of the Muslims. There are many more such sufferings that the pen would weary to describe. These occur particularly when we go to visit the cemetery [on the Mount of Olives] and when we pray at the Wall of lamentations, when stones are thrown at us and we are jeered at.”

 The 1834 looting of the Jewish communities of Safed, Tiberius, Jerusalem and Hebron were followed by anti-Jewish pogroms in Jaffa (in 1876), and three times in Jerusalem (in 1847, 1870 and 1895). Throughout this time, Jews were forbidden to pray on the Temple Mount in Jerusalem and the Cave of the Patriarchs in Hebron. In Hebron, (as a sign of their degradation) they were permitted to go up to the seventh step of the entrance outside it. As they went up these steps, Muslim boys were encouraged by their elders to hit and throw stones at them, to remind them of their proper place.

 Nor, shamefully, was this persecution and hatred limited to the Muslim community. A wide range of sources all state that the local Christians treated the local Jewish community with loathing.

 1836; “of all the Christians and other sects in Syria [are] against them.”

1852; “if he [a Jew in Palestine] turns to his neighbour Christian, he encounters prejudice and spite.”

1854; Jews are “insulted by the Greeks, persecuted by the Latins.”

1862; “The Oriental Christians are unhappily very bitter in their hatred of the Jews. They generally treat them with great contempt” … Muslim and Christian children rarely played with one another and would "only unite to persecute the poor little Jews."

1887; “Jerusalem’s Muslims were more tolerant of its Jews than were its Christians”.

 Since 1840, the Christians have tried to provoke a massacre of Jews in Palestine at least five times by accusing them of a blood libel. This was also done in Damascus in 1840, and in several other places in Lebanon. In 1847, the Greek Orthodox clergy threw their full ecclesiastical and social weight behind such a claim. In open court before the Ottoman ruler they demanded, on the basis of their ancient books that ‘the Jews were addicted to non-Jewish blood.’ “The Greek ecclesiastical party came down in great force and read out of Church historians and controversial writings of old time direct and frequent accusations levelled against the Jews for using Christian blood in Passover ceremonies.” This then was not simply a mob action, but rather one championed by the highest Christian religious authorities in Jerusalem, all for the purpose of gaining official sanction for mass murder! “In the meanwhile, “Greeks and Armenians [Christians] went about the streets insulting and menacing the Jews, both men and women, sometimes drawing their hands across the throat, sometimes showing the knives they generally carry with them,’”

 The traditional Christian communities also fought to affirm their right to beat up, and even kill any Jew who walked into or even just past the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. Instances of this are recorded in 1846, and also in 1927 (by a group of monks).

 You cannot summarize this history by writing; for 1,300 years there was hardly any friction between these small Jewish communities and their Arab neighbors within Palestine.”

In 1923, Dr. Alexander Paterson reflected in general upon the inter-communal relations: “It was this age-long incompatibility, this irreconcilable enmity, that was more potent for evil than any other single factor, and harder to be dealt with than any other obstacle to mission work. The Moslem and Christian hated the Jew for denying and slaying the Messiah, the Christ. The Moslem and Jew hated the Christian for worshipping three gods. The Jew and the Christian hated the Moslem for his arrogance and fanaticism and oppression, from which they never felt safe. Of course, they commonly existed in an armed truce; life otherwise were impossible. But an anniversary or an indiscreet word, an un-equal deal in business, or a false report, and their passions were in full cry, too often the cry for blood.”

 The sentence from the above quote is important; “Of course, they commonly existed in an armed truce; life otherwise were impossible.” Concerning the Jewish community during Ottoman times, Yaari writes; “subjected throughout to severe disabilities, restrictions and humiliations, they were as a rule not seriously molested.” Conditions did vary, both from place to place and over time. There were positive relations between members of the different communities, but everyone still understood the rules and knew the boundaries. Decent Muslims hid Jews during the 1929 Hebron massacre, but still the Muslim mob murdered 67-9 Jews. Likewise, during the 1834 pillaging of the Safed Jewish community, it is reported that Rabbi Menachem Mendel fled to the house of a Christian to escape the mob. These positive, welcome exceptions do not nullify the more general situations described above.

 The Arabs bitterly regret that land was often sold to Jews out of purely selfish motives. They also point out that much of the land was sold by absentee landlords living outside the land, many of whom were not Arabs, and that much of the land now owned by Jews was not acquired by legal purchase, but by expropriation or by war.” P20

Up until 1949, ALL land owned by the Jewish community had been legally acquired. The Ottomans and the British both enforced the law. The Ottomans clearly favoured Muslims, while the British made large areas of Palestine off limits to Jewish purchase. By 1948, the Palestinian Arabs had rejected three peace plans. The Jewish community accepted each of them, even though they fell far short of what they wanted. The Palestinians then launched an all-out war against the Jewish community, with their main strategy being to cut off all food, water and electricity to the 100,000 Jewish civilians of Jerusalem. Even as the fighting was turning in their favour, the Jewish community accepted an extension of the Red Cross cease fire. The Palestinians again rejected this, and lost territory. To then blame the Jewish community, who accepted every peace plan, for the consequences of a war wholly started by the Palestinian community hardly seems fair!

The Arabs insist that at first they welcomed the Jewish immigrants, and lived peacefully alongside them for many years. They only began to be more hostile when they realized that many of the immigrants were seeking more land and greater political power. Hostility inevitably led to violence,” P20

The first wave of modern Jewish immigration began in 1881. As seen, neither the Muslim nor the Christian communities liked the Jews who were already there. With happy exceptions, the majority of these communities saw no reason to welcome new additions to this community. Opposition to these immigrants was actually remarkably fast in appearing.

 In 1891, local Christians initiated an official protest against Jewish immigration to the Ottoman Government. The pre-WW1campaign against the sale of land to the Jews was likewise initiated by Christians in the north.

 In 1899 the Jerusalem Mufti proposed that the Jewish newcomers be “terrorized and expelled.” This is serious opposition from the leader of the Muslim community in Palestine! In 1905 Najib Azoury, a Maronite Christian originally from Lebanon wrote against Zionism from a nationalistic and religious viewpoint. In 1909, Farid Kassab (an Orthodox Arab from Beirut) responded that Azoury was a “Catholic bigot” believed that Jews were diecides and therefore eternally damned, and “not only anti-Jewish from the religious point of view, but also anti-Semitic.” Kassab also defended the Jews of Palestine as being “peaceful and inoffensive, belonging to the same race as the Arabs. Whatever good their industry and agriculture did by reviving their ancient and barren land benefited both the Empire and themselves.” A moderate minority indeed saw no fundamental conflict, and assumed Jews and Arabs could live together.

 Interestingly, more Arabs than Jews immigrated into Palestine from elsewhere during this time. [1]

 Nevertheless, Jewish advancement/prosperity did offend many. In 1908 about 46 Jews were hoping to move to a vacant sand-dune outside of Jaffa. Having legally bought the empty land, their plans were delayed when the Ottoman government built a police barracks in the middle of the area. When the station was completed, “a festive procession was arranged by the Muslim and Christian Arabs, … it included sheikhs, imams and Christian priests, and also a band. The Arab youths were overjoyed. They sang and danced … and hurled abuse at the Jews.”

 I don’t see the welcome here!

The Arabs point out that they were not in any way responsible for the persecution of the Jews in Europe, and ask why they should have to suffer for the crimes of Europe.” P20-21

The Palestinian leadership acted as allies of Nazi Germany during the war. They did so specifically and explicitly because they supported Hitler’s anti-Jewish policies. The Mufti (Al-Husseini) was a personal friend of Hitler’s, visited and approved of concentration camps, and requested that, should the Nazis reach Palestine, that they would build concentration camps there to murder all the Jews of Palestine. During the war, he recruited Muslims from Nazi occupied Europe to fight for the Nazis. In Iraq, the Al-Husseini led a pro-German revolt, which included the Farhud massacre of hundreds of Iraqi Jews.[2] On June 1940, the Mufti, from Iraq, sent a letter to the German embassy in Turkey. It congratulated Hitler on his victory in France, and asked that he now address the Arab question. He signed it as the president of the Arab Higher Committee of Palestine. In August 1940, he sent an envoy to Berlin. The Mufti wanted “a recognition of the Arabs right to solve the Jewish problem in Palestine in a manner which conforms to the national interest of the Arabs.” On November 28, 1941, in response to a request from the Mufti, Hitler stated that the objective of a German advance in the Middle East would be the destruction of Judaism in Palestine. During the war, the Mufti broadcast on over 6 stations, telling his listeners across the Middle East to “kill the Jews.”

 Palestinian attitudes

 The Palestinian community was initially sympathetic to Hitler because he hated Jews. In 1933, just after Hitler took power, the Mufti “conveyed his admiration and support to the Hitler government, praising in particular the anti-Jewish policies of the Nazis.” Indeed, the Mufti contacted the German consul to declare his support and to offer his services. The Palestinian newspaper al-Jami’a al-Arabiyya, the official paper of the Supreme Muslim council, wrote in 1933; “As is well known, Herr Hitler and his party are the most violent adversaries of the Jews … As far as the position of the Arabs … because the Jews are our enemies our wish and our hope rest of course on Hitler.” Indeed, Palestinian notables met with the German Consul in Palestine in 1933 as they wished to learn more about the German boycott of Jewish goods, and to offer their help in this. The Consul reported that the Mufti wanted to join the boycott and offered to spread the word through special emissaries if necessary. That is, from the very start, the Palestinians were well aware of the Nazi anti-Jewish policies, supported the Nazis because of them and even offered to help them internationalize them.

 Mary Wilson, a teacher at Biezeit throughout the revolt, noted that most of her students were pro-Nazi and approved of Hitler. One of the first public opinion polls in Palestine, conducted by Sari Sakakini, on behalf of the American consulate in Jerusalem in February 1941, found that 88 percent of the Palestinian Arabs favoured Germany and only 9 percent Britain. These feelings were reciprocated. In September 1938, Hitler told the Sudeten Germans; “Take the Arab Palestinians as your ideal. With unusual courage they fight both England’s British Empire and the world Jewry.”

 Hitler’s persecution of Germany’s Jews was also widely reported in the Palestinian Jewish press. Outside of Germany itself, of all peoples, it was the Palestinians who had the greatest exposure and access to information as to what was happening to the Jews of Germany – Palestine was where many of these desperate refugees were going! They just had to ask!

 How then did they respond to Jewish claims of persecution in Germany, especially as these persecutions were being used to justify Jewish immigration into Palestine? ‘Isa al-‘Isa, Sakakini, a prominent Palestinian Orthodox Christian, mocked them as paranoid; they were “always wailing about being persecuted by the Germans.” Nor did this change when confirmed by the facts. Sakakini could not “forgive the Jews, even when he learned that the Nazis were killing them.” His daughter, Sari-al-Sakakini wrote at the time that the Arab national movement was pro German, not because of bribes or German agents, but because the Germans opposed the Jews, and so “the Arabs had turned to Germany.” Indeed, after German army successes of 1939/40, Hitler was described as “an Arab hero.”

The Palestinian community knew that Hitler was persecuting the Jewish people. They did not express horror or outrage, rather they gave massive approval. They inquired as to how they might assist and emulated them.

 Aware of their persecution, in 1936 Palestinians started the Arab Revolt, whose main demand was that no Jews be allowed to find refuge among them. This revolt led the British to ban Jewish refugees trying to flee Europe to Palestine. Jewish migration to Palestine dropped from over 66,000 in 1935 to 12,000 in 1937 and stayed low even as Hitler’s persecution of them intensified. There was a whole year after Kristallnacht before the war, when Jews were both most desperate and should have been able to leave. The Palestinians knew they were being killed, and they responded violently, shutting the doors to escape in their faces. Local Christian leaders played a prominent role in the 1936 General Strike, a fact approved of by many in the Christian the anti-Israel crowd of today. On August 19, 1936, Palestinian Christian leaders appealed to the world to halt the Jewish immigration. They used traditional anti-Semitic arguments to insist that the international Christian community should prevent Jews from “defiling” the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem and prevent the neglect of the holy sites that supposedly would occur under Jewish rule. “An impressive list of Christian leaders from the Orthodox, Catholic, Protestant, Anglican and Maronite communities signed a ‘Call of Palestinian Christians to the Christian World to Save the Holy Places from Zionist danger.’”

Given that those Jews were trying to flee the genocide of the Holocaust, that those who could not flee were murdered, how should we view this Palestinian stance? Palestinians need to own up to their Jew hatred and repent.

 Different options, anti-Zionism verses anti-Semitism

 Given that Jewish refugees arriving in Palestine during the British Mandate desired the formation of a “Jewish national home” within Palestine (something which occurred in no other land where Jewish refugees went), one can posit the proposition that in rejecting the arrival of Jewish refugees fleeing Nazi Germany, the Palestinian community were anti-Zionist, but not necessarily anti-Semitic.

This could be a complicated theoretical discussion, but history gives us a clear, unambiguous answer. Basically, to be anti-Zionist but not anti-Semitic, the Palestinian Arab communities would have objected to the idea of Jewish national home within Palestine, but wished Jews well, elsewhere. To be anti-Zionist and anti-Semitic, they would have had to not only oppose the Jewish community within Palestine, but to also oppose Jews wherever they lived.

Were the Arab communities then simply anti-Zionist, opposing the creation of a Jewish State, but wishing Jews elsewhere well? If so, then they would then have opposed an ideology (Nazism) which was responsible for increasing the very thing, Jewish immigration, that they were struggling with. Christian (and Muslim) Arabs could well have decided that their best option was to help ameliorate conditions for Jews in Germany, as this would vastly reduce the number wanting to flee. While by no means an ideal position (due to the zero percent chance they would be able to change Nazi policy) it could have been an option. A better option would have been welcoming and valuing the fleeing refugees.

 They did not have to make common cause with Hitler.

 His early anti-Jewish measures harmed the Palestinian cause. No Arabs viewed it as such, however – attacking Jews was an obvious reaction against the possible creation of a Jewish state. This distinction between anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism is largely a Western construct devised by people who wish to hate the Jewish state, but not suffer the opprobrium of anti-Semitism. The Palestinian Arab community, like the Arab communities in general, had no qualms about hating Jews in general and see such hate as part and parcel of their struggle against the Jewish State. The minute distinctions between anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism (or Jew-hatred) are simply not a pre-occupation for the vast majority of Arabs That was a European reaction to the Holocaust.

 In fact, they voted with their hearts. The Arab communities across the Middle East (in Iraq, Syria, Egypt and elsewhere), including the Christian Arabs in Palestine, saw in Hitler a kindred spirit, someone who shared their hatred of Jews, and they embraced him as such. Hitler got it. He understood. He shared their worldview. For this reason, they gave him their love. Al-Husseini, the official leader of the Palestinian Arab community, advised Hitler that the best way to win Arab hearts was to preach hatred of the Jews.

 The Mufti and the Holocaust

 In November 1941, the Mufti arrived in Berlin, where he would stay till the end of the war. He was given an official reception, luxury accommodation at the Castle Bellevue, and an annual stipend of the equivalent of $12 million a year.[3] In their first meeting, Hitler agreed with the Mufti that they were fighting a common enemy, “the Jews,” and told the Mufti “The Fuhrer would on his own give the Arab world the assurance that its hour of liberation had arrived. Germany's objective would then be solely the destruction of the Jewish element residing in the Arab sphere under the protection of British power.” The Mufti approved of and visited concentration camps and desired one for Palestine.[4] Already in 1937, he had issued an ‘Appeal to all Muslims of the World’, urging them to “cleanse their land of the Jews.”[5] By May 1942, both Hitler and Mussolini had officially agreed to his request to liquidate [murder] the Jews of Palestine.[6]  In November 1943, the Mufti said: “It is the duty of Muhammadans in general and Arabs in particular to … drive all Jews from Arab and Muhammadan countries…. Germany is also struggling against the common foe who oppressed Arabs and Muhammadans in their different countries. It has very clearly recognized the Jews for what they are and resolved to find a definitive solution for the Jewish danger that will eliminate the scourge that Jews represent in the world.”[7] This was global genocidal anti-Semitism.

 The Mufti pressured the Axis forces to murder the Jews of the Middle East wherever they were able. Walter Rauff, who had invented the mobile gassing vans, was appointed head of the Gestapo in Tunis, and in this capacity murdered 2,500 Jews in Tunisian, and deported to Europe a further 350. After the war, he worked for Syrian intelligence. On June 24, German forces crossed into Egypt. The next day al-Husseini’s “Voice of the Free Arab” radio station told its listeners in Cairo to start making lists of the home addresses and workplaces of every Jew there, so they could all be annihilated.[8] The Mufti wrote that Eichmann (the architect of the Holocaust) was “a rare diamond, … the best redeemer for the Arabs.”[9] He also intervened numerous times to prevent Jews from fleeing Axis lands and specified that they should be sent to Poland instead, a destination he knew equated to death. Writing of his efforts to prevent Jewish Bulgarian children from being allowed to flee Europe, German Foreign Office Councillor, Wilhelm Melchers, who worked closely with him in this, stated “the Mufti was a sworn enemy of the Jews, and made no secret of the fact he would rather see them all killed.”[10] Writing of these events after the war, the Mufti viewed them favorably “my letters had positive and useful results for the Palestinian problem.”[11]

 After the war

 The Mufti was not in Palestine during the war, so his views and actions are not necessarily representative. That he would return to Palestine after the war (as a wanted Nazi war-criminal) and is revered by them to this day (his photo is given pride of place in the offices of PA president, Mahmoud Abbas) is what makes his actions during the war of wider significance.

 On June 2, 1946, the Mufti returned to the Middle East and resumed leadership of the AHC. Concerning the Nazi collaboration of the Mufti and his circle; “al-Husseini and the other Arab and Muslim collaborators would emerge from the war not only unscathed but with their political careers intact. Indeed, their prospects actually improved.” In 1948, Anwar Nusseibeh wrote that the Mufti had not gone beyond the principles of Arab patriotism by collaborating with the Nazis. Whatever false claims for Palestinian ignorance during the war existed, none exist now, yet still there was no repentance, no second thoughts. In 1945, the Christian Arab community at least could have said to the Jewish refugees; “In 1936 we ignored your cries for help, we shut our doors in your faces, and now we know that you died there in your millions. Please forgive us, come, your survivors will always have a home with us.” Rather, in 1947 a conference in Jerusalem of the Arab Orthodox clergy sent a telegram to the Arab Higher Executive, led by Haj Amin al-Husseini (the wanted Nazi war criminal) expressing “absolute confidence in its leadership.

 To this day, Hitler and Mein Kamph remain popular across the Middle East, and among Palestinians. In 1999 for example, Mein Kampf was “sixth on the Palestinian best-seller list." Recently a Palestinian journalist was fired from the BBC for posting that “Hitler was right.”[12] There is a deluge of posts on Facebook, TicToc etc by Palestinians proclaiming their love for Hitler In Gaza there is a fashion store named Hitler, (Young Palestinians who visited the shop told Reuters they were drawn to the place as a symbol of their solidarity "The name of the shop is 'Hitler' and I like him because he was the most anti Jewish person.”)[13] and recently the “official Palestinian Authority daily Al-Hayat Al-Jadida had warm words for a member of the Atwan family who chose to name his son Eichmann, after SS-Obersturmbannführer Adolf Eichmann, one of the key Nazi major officials who propagated the Holocaust.”[14] This popularity is iconic. It is not because of the political and economic theories laid out in Mein Kampf, it is due solely to Hitler’s hatred and murder of Jews, a hatred and a goal shared by far too many. They continue to recognise in him a kindred spirit. This again gives lie to the idea that Palestinians are anti-Zionist, but not anti-Jewish. Had they been so, they would have opposed Hitler and hoped that the Jews remained happy in Germany.

 Conclusion

So, when Dr. Chapman writes; “The Arabs point out that they were not in any way responsible for the persecution of the Jews in Europe, and ask why they should have to suffer for the crimes of Europe,” he is leaving out a lot!!

He ignores that in 1936, when they already knew what was happening to the Jews of Germany they started a four/year violent Revolt whose primary goal, and the only one fully supported by the Christian Palestinian community, was to prevent Jewish refugees from being able to find refuge among them. During the war, their leader intervened repeatedly with Hitler and other top Nazi officials to prevent thousands of Jews from being allowed to flee, and rather, to be sent to the gas chambers. Without these actions by the Palestinian people and leadership, tens of thousands of Jews who perished in Europe (quite probably hundreds of thousands) would rather have escaped and survived. And that is with a Nazi defeat! Had the Nazis won, they had an agreement that he would murder the entire Jewish population of Palestine as well. They loved him then and they love him now. Do not tell me they were innocent! Dr. Chapman concludes his discussions of the Holocaust with the words; “Jews have shamelessly used the Holocaust as a justification for their expansionist goals.” p. 25.

Dr. Chapman’s writing here is unacceptable. It is profoundly inadequate to hide behind “I am simply presenting the Palestinian narrative.” Without any corrective from him, leaving this up as the final word, he is rather spreading Palestinian lies and disinformation to a trusting Western readership.

Significance

Even such repugnant behaviour as evidenced above would not justify Israelis attacking and driving out hundreds of thousands of Palestinians. That however is not what happened (see below). The significance of the events surrounding the Holocaust for Israel/Palestine is quite different. The leader of the Palestinians during 1947-8 (a wanted Nazi war criminal who is still revered by the PA and many other Palestinians today) had made his views on what he wanted as a solution to the problem clear. The total destruction/mass murder of the Jewish community. No wonder they rejected peace plans, partition and compromises! This before the war of 1947/8 even started.

We talk about the Palestinians rejecting every peace plan/compromise offered, but these plans were only offered because of Palestinian violence towards their Jewish neighbours! See 1921, 1929, 1936-9 etc. Partition was never a Jewish desire. They wanted simply to live together as equals. The Palestinian population were supportive of Hitler because of his violence towards Jews way before the events of the so-called Nakba. That is not the root of the problem. It was the Palestinian refusal to live at peace with the Jewish community, as shown in their support of Hitler before, during and after the war, which is the root cause of the problem. Jews were despised dhimmis, how dare they act like equals! Arab Christian desires for equality with the Muslims had likewise seen 1.5 million of the murdered 1894-1924. Before any violence had been visited upon the Palestinian community, they were already dreaming of the genocide of their Jewish neighbours. This is the significance of the events surrounding the Holocaust.

When Palestinians (mainly Christians) propose one democratic, secular state over all of the 1930 Palestine, they ignore that this was the reality which the Palestinian people rejected with mass killings. The chance of it succeeding now, with all the additional history since then, and the chance of the Muslim community accepting and living up to it now, when they rejected it in much better times then, is non-existent.

In the fighting before and after the establishment of Israel in May 1948, many Arabs were encouraged by their leaders to leave.” “This myth—along with many of the other founding myths of Israel—has been exploded by Israeli Jewish historians who have documented the process of ethnic cleansing, based on the concept of ‘transfer,’ which was intended to leave as few Arabs as possible within the new state.”

Dr. Chapman here, in his own version of the Palestinian narrative, has the Palestinians quoting Israeli historians. An article in the Irish Times, by one of those very Israeli historians, responds to just such an accusation as Dr. Chapman makes (and is well worth reading in full, as is his book, 1948). “Israel-haters are fond of citing - and more often, mis-citing - my work in support of their arguments. Let me offer some corrections.” And, after an excellent discussion, he concludes “The demonisation of Israel is largely based on lies - much as the demonisation of the Jews during the past 2,000 years has been based on lies. And there is a connection between the two. I would recommend that the likes of Norris and Landy read some history books and become acquainted with the facts, not recycle shop-worn Arab propaganda.”[15] Morris also correctly notes that “Most of Palestine's 700,000 ‘refugees’ fled their homes because of the flail of war (and in the expectation that they would shortly return to their homes on the backs of victorious Arab invaders). But it is also true that there were several dozen sites, including Lydda and Ramla, from which Arab communities were expelled by Jewish troops.”

As noted, in 1947 the Arabs rejected compromise and peace, and started a war where ethnic cleansing and possible genocide were their preferred outcomes. Ismail Safwat, who was in charge of coordinating the invading Arab armies, telegraphed the Arab League that the war’s objectives were “To eliminate the Jews of Palestine, and to completely cleanse the country of them.” In March 1948, the Mufti, the leader of the Palestinians, said that the Arabs would “continue to fight until the Zionists are eliminated and the whole of Palestine is a purely Arab state.”

Had they rather accepted peace, there would be no refugees. Where successful, Arab forces expelled, killed or imprisoned all Jews from areas captured, and not a single Jew remained. This included the Jewish Quarter of the Old City, and 12 other Jewish communities which were captured and totally destroyed. In view of this, it is concerning that later, without shame, has his supposed Palestinian respondents say that “And if there is ever to be peace, the victors have to make significant concession and not impose a settlement on the weaker party.” It would seem that the Mufti did not get that memo! Israel however did not expel all the Arabs in the territory it occupied, and today 20% of the population of Israel is Arabic.

The first stage of the war, November 47 to March 48, saw 100,000 Palestinians leave. During this stage of the war, the Jewish forces were on the defensive, repelling Arab attacks and trying to get food to the increasingly desperate Jewish civilians of Jerusalem. No Palestinian areas or villages were captured in this phase. Those who left at this stage were largely upper-middle class families. They left because the general situation was deteriorating, Arab gangs had moved into many Arab areas to both protect and loot them, and if you can, why stay in an area where war is threatening. During the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, the Palestinian-Arab middle class in the three larger cities – Jerusalem, Jaffa, and Haifa – was among the first groups to leave the country, in the initial stage of the war.” Almost all Arabs believed that they would quickly defeat the despised Jews, and then things would settle down and they could return. An IMEU review of a new book, speaking about the Arabic author’s mother in Jerusalem in 1948, writes; "Mona’s mother went to stay with an aunt supposedly temporarily, but then could not return."[16] There is no hint of violence here, rather, why stay in a difficult situation when you can leave temporarily (they likewise assumed that the Arabs would win). Once they have dealt with all the Jews, we can return. If they are able, civilians tend to leave war zones during a war – this is a natural human reaction. Blame the war for this reality, and those who started it, not those who had accepted the peace offered.

Across Palestine, the drift of the middle class out of Palestine, especially the sending of their sons to get them away from the war, concerned the AHC. On March 8, 1948 the Mufti raised the issue with the governments of Lebanon, Syria and Egypt. He wrote about the preference “of a great number of Palestine’s sons to leave their cities and settle in neighbouring Arab countries.” He wrote that the AHC had decided that no one would henceforth be allowed to leave Palestine without its approval, and that “the numerous Palestinians who had left since the start of the fighting” were to be compelled in the national interest to return. Typical of the corruption that has always been endemic to the Palestinian leadership, the Lebanese consul to Jerusalem wrote in the same month of the growing bitterness among the population towards the AHC, whose leaders were fleeing the country.[17]

The example of Haifa.

In March, after the defeat of the local Arab militia, the AHC ordered the removal of women and children from Haifa. Shabtai Levy, mayor of Haifa, who had tried to negotiate a local truce in December 47, now issued another plea to his Arab colleagues to return to the city. On the eve of renewed fighting, sparked by news of a British withdrawal from major parts of the city, the Arab military commander and two of his deputies also fled the city, prompting a new wave of Arab departures.

On April 22, 1948, after having been defeated militarily in Haifa, the remaining Arab leadership (a mixture of Muslim and Christian notables, led by the local Muslim Brotherhood leader, Sheikh Murad) asked the British to negotiate a truce with the Jews. Under the auspices of the British, the leaders of its Arab community then met with the leaders of the Jewish community. The Jewish community offered them a future “as equal and free citizens of Haifa.” The Jewish Mayor, Shabtai Levi, further expressed his desire that the two communities continue to “live in peace and friendship” and gave “an impassioned plea for peace and reconciliation.” After breaking to consult, the Arab notables, now all Christian, re-assembled and stated that could not sign the truce, and that the Arab population wished to evacuate Haifa. Levi begged them to reconsider, he said they should not leave the city “where they had lived for hundreds of years, where their forefathers were buried, and where, for so long, they had lived in peace and brotherhood with the Jews.” Both the Jewish mayor and the commander of the Jewish forces in Haifa then asked the Arab negotiators to reconsider this course of action. They said they were committing “a cruel crime against their own people”, and that, if they stayed, “they would enjoy equality and peace.” The British mediator at the talks added; “You have made a foolish decision. Think it over, as you will regret it afterwards. You must accept the decision of the Jews. They are fair enough. Don’t permit life to be destroyed senselessly. After all, it was you who began the fighting and the Jews have won.” The Christian Arab leaders replied that they had no choice, and within a few days, only 3,000 Arabs remained within the city.

 Strenuous efforts were then made by the Jewish community to convince the Arab population to stay. Bizarrely, the Arab leadership saw the departure (rather than agreeing to a truce), as a victory, and the Jewish community saw their leaving as a defeat. Force was used by the Arab leadership to compel some Arabs to leave. For example, “shortly after announcing their intention to remain in their workplace, the Christian employees of the British army’s northern headquarters began leaving en masse. Asked for the reason for their sudden change of heart, they said they had been threatened with severe punishment if they did not leave.”

 “Without doubt, the notables were chary of agreeing to surrender terms out of fear they would be dubbed traitors or collaborators by the AHC.” One of the participants subsequently told how they had been instructed or brow-beaten by Sheikh Murad, who did not participate in this second part of the townhall gathering, to adopt this rejectionist position.

 The reasons for the Arab decision to evacuate Haifa were stated at the time. The British withdrawal was almost complete, and once they left, the Arab armies of Egypt, Syria, Jordan, Iraq and Lebanon would invade. Better to leave for a few days, than to shamefully sign a treaty with the soon to be defeated Jews. The Palestinian militias might have lost their battle with the Jewish forces, but the Arab armies were expected to win. One of the Arab negotiators told his Jewish counterpart; “they had instructions not to sign the truce … as this would mean certain death at the hands of their own people, particularly the Muslim leaders guided by the Mufti.”

Dr. Chapman’s paraphrase of the Israeli narrative In the fighting before and after the establishment of Israel in May 1948, many Arabs were encouraged by their leaders to leave” might better have been phrased as “many Arabs left of their own free will before and during the fighting. Many of these were indeed encouraged to leave by their leadership, others simply because they could. Others were indeed expelled by Israeli forces during a bitter and unnecessary war brought upon them by the Palestinian refusal to accept either compromise or peace.”

Dr. Chapman makes many other inaccurate comments in what he has chosen to write as his version of the Palestinian narrative (my discussions above are simply a representative sample). Sadly, he seems content to let mistruths that he has written stand as the definitive reply to his version of Israeli claims.



[1] https://www.cjpme.org/fs_181

[2] “The Iraqi government established an investigation committee to look into the riots, and the findings revealed that Jerusalem Grand Mufti Haj Amin al-Husseini and the Nazi Arabic-language propaganda broadcast on the radio from Berlin were the main causes behind the massacre.  .. In his memoirs, he even justified the Farhud.” https://www.jewishideas.org/article/farhud-remembering-tragic-time-iraqi-jews

[3] Rubin, Barry and Schwanitz, Wolfgang. Nazis, Islamists and the Making of the Modern Middle East. Yale University Press, 2014., 5.

[4] Rubin and Schwanitz, 138, 163 see also 123, 125, 127, 133.

[5] Rubin and Schwanitz, 94.

[6] Rubin and Schwanitz, 138.

[8] Rubin and Schwanitz, 140.

[9] Black, Edwin. The Farhud. Dialog Press, 2010. 345.

[10] Black, 349.

[11] Black, 350. For insight into the profoundly Islamic religious basis for this anti-Semitism, see Black, 338, 347, 309-10. See also Rubin and Schwanitz, 95 and 165 especially.

[12] https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2021/05/23/bbc-investigating-palestinian-journalist-tweeted-hitler-right/

[13] https://www.jpost.com/arab-israeli-conflict/name-of-shop-is-hitler-and-i-like-him-because-he-was-the-most-anti-jewish-person-432190

[14] https://www.jwire.com.au/pa-official-daily-lauds-family-who-named-son-eichmann-to-anger-zionism/

[15] https://www.irishtimes.com/opinion/letters/israel-and-the-palestinians-1.896017

[16] https://imeu.org/article/mona-hajjar-halabys-new-book-and-the-journey-behind-it?fbclid=IwAR2nigy8BJYI5WCHASvicDHrzntqeDnLiOYTGBiO97Lmi4pJlkiyA_TT5A4



Palestinian Christians - are they faithful witnesses?

The impact of Dhimmitude upon the spiritual lives of the Palestinian Christians.

A recent article by Dexter Van Zile began: “[In July], the United Church of Christ (UCC)’s General Synod passed a “peacemaking” resolution that declared Israel guilty of sins against the Palestinian people. The resolution repeats the narrative offered about the evils of the Jewish state broadcast by Palestinian Christians in the West Bank and eastern Jerusalem, who have been demonizing Israel for decades.”[1]

This western church, like numerous others, was attacking Israel on the basis of information provided by Palestinian Christians. This raises the important question: “how should we view Palestinian Christian statements about their situation in Israel/Palestine?” Given that western churches are acting upon this advice, this is an important question for them to consider. The discussion begins with the concept of dhimmitude.

Dhimmitude was the contract entered into between the Muslim conquerors and the conquered Christian and Jewish populations. Basically, it treated them as rubbish in exchange for not murdering them. They had to promise not to speak badly about Islam, not to preach the Gospel, and to accept endless humiliations and contempt from the ruling Muslims. The Christian communities have been suffering under this system for 1300 years!

“Dhimmis can appear to collude to conceal their own condition, finding themselves psychologically unable to critique or oppose it. The psychology of gratitude and inferiority can manifest in the dhimmi as denial or concealment of the condition. … the psychology of inferiority can mean that people from a dhimmi background are themselves the least able to analyse or expose their own condition. A powerful silence rests over the whole subject like a thick blanket or a strong dose of anaesthetic.”[2]

“Christian communities native to the Middle East today exhibit the scars of centuries of inferiorization and marginalization. They constitute living relics of the ravages of a system that, although technically abolished in many modern Arab states, continues on the level of official as well as popular attitudes and practices. The Christians of the Holy Land, for example ‘Palestinian Christians’ are symptomatic of this dhimmi genre and its attendant complexes.”[3]

Sadly, the Palestinian Christian communities, their leadership, and many of their members, witness to this internalized oppression all too frequently. They may well rationalize it by believing that by agreeing with the Muslims, they are protecting their communities from even greater harm, but their calling is to preach the truth, not to fear men. Life truly has not been easy for them!

Examples of life under Muslim rule from Palestinian Christian history

In 1785 Constantin de Volney wrote; “Faithful to the spirit of the Koran, it [the government] treats the Christians with a severity which displays itself in varied forms. ... All kinds of public worship is prohibited the Christians, … The cannot build any new churches; and if the old ones fall into decay, they are not allowed to repair them, unless by a permission which costs them very dear. A Christian cannot strike a Mahometan without risk of his life, but if a Mahometan kill a Christian, he escapes for a stipulated price.”[4] As the Mufti of Jerusalem said in a fatwa issued in 1853, “It is against the honour of the Moslem religion to permit Christian Churches to be erected.”[5] In 1823, after an elderly Christian peasant from Beit Jalla was shot and beheaded, his head was stuck on a pike in Jerusalem and the local Muslim boys spat and threw rubbish at it for three days while the local Christians were unable to rescue it or show any grief. The early Anglican priest, Michael Kawar mentioned in his autobiography that anti-Christian riots in Nazareth had forced his father to flee to Lebanon in the 1820s.[6] In 1828, in Nazareth, a Christian girl who refused the advances of a Muslim man was killed by being dragged through the streets behind a horse. This would have served as a reminder to all other Christian girls not to resist a Muslim. Indeed, prior to 1845, James Finn wrote that Christian women were “dishonoured with impunity.” As Colonel P. Campbell, A Visit to Israel's Holy Places (1839) wrote; “The Mussulmans [of Syria-Palestine], … from the bottom of his heart he believes and maintains that a Christian, and still more so a Jew, is an inferior being to himself.”[7]

Ottoman reforms granting civil rights to Christians and Jews in the nineteenth century upset this centuries old pattern, and provoked a savage backlash for the Muslim community. The American Protestant missionary, Henry H. Jessup, wrote that; "the new liberties granted to the Christian sects, … had kindled [among the Muslims] fires of fanatical hatred."[8] In 1853 in Nablus, the sight of a Syrian Christian official sitting in a chair (!!) roused a Muslim mob to shout; “kill him, kill him. Did you ever see a Christian like that before?” In 1856, Muslim riots in Nablus left a number of Christians dead and forced the expulsion of the entire Protestant community. The Nablus Protestants wrote to the Sultan. They spoke of “their afflicted and calamitous state … the injuries inflicted on them, the loss of their freedom, the insecurities of their lives, property and families, all of which they presently endure (and for the previous 5 months). Since the issue of the Firman (February 1856) declaring religious liberty, the Mohammedans of Nablus have been filled with rage against the Christians.” On Friday, April 4th, most of the Ulamahs of Nablus assembled in one of the Mosques … after this the call was given by one of them going through the streets; “Oh religion of Mohammad, attack the Christians.” At the same time, all the Mohammedans being assembled for prayer, the Ulamahs stopped the Muazzins and made them come down from the Minarets, saying there shall be no prayers for the religion of Muhammad is dead.” They aroused the populace “to fury, that they might fall upon the Christians.” They destroyed the school of bishop Gobat, and the attached chapel. They also killed a number of Christians, burying one boy in lime. The shouts of the mob were “frightful, together with those of the females who shrieked on the terraces to excite and encourage them.” The Greek Orthodox “from fear, have appeared outwardly satisfied with the Mohammedans, and have made no claim [of] satisfaction for the injuries done.”[9] [That is, the local Christians, from fear, did not even attempt to gain compensation through the court, but simply accepted the murder, violence, robbery and destruction of property they had been subjected to. Such was their life under Muslim rule. Note also the cry from the crowds that if they are unable to persecute Christians, then Islam is dead.]

The Rev. Arthur George Harper Hollingsworth wrote in 1852; “No Christian is secure against insult, robbery, and ruin.”[10] In 1858 the two villages of Zebabdeh and Likfair (where the inhabitants were all Christian) “were utterly sacked, men and women stripped even to their shirts and turned adrift.” “whereas many villages in the district of Nablus have a few Christian families located in each, such families were subjected in every direction to plunder and insults.” Also in 1858, James Finn wrote from Jerusalem; “daily accounts are given me of insults in the streets offered to Christians and Jews, accompanied by acts of violence. ... there is no clear case yet known of a Christian’s evidence being accepted in a court of justice, or in a civil tribunal against a Moslem.” In 1876, P.J. Newman wrote that in nearly all parts of Palestine, “the Christians are cringing and fearful.”[11] Christians were forbidden from entering or praying at the Temple Mount in Jerusalem, or Tomb of the Patriarchs in Hebron.

One reads of “the talk” that black parents give their children in America, and Jewish parents give their children world-wide. Christian parents in Muslim lands also rightly pass down their fears and nightmares. Najib Awad describes how beneath the rich history of plurality for eastern Christians, there hides a “parallel history of suffering, uncertainty, fear, pressure, difficulty, death and perpetual strife for survival as a minority in a non-Christian majority world.”[12] Christian strategies of Arab nationalism and anti-Zionism cannot be fully understood apart from this overwhelming fear, a fear which for obvious reasons is rarely mentioned in public.

In 1923, Dr. Alexander Paterson reflected in general upon the inter-communal relations: “It was this age-long incompatibility, this irreconcilable enmity, that was more potent for evil than any other single factor, and harder to be dealt with than any other obstacle to mission work. The Moslem and Christian hated the Jew for denying and slaying the Messiah, the Christ. The Moslem and Jew hated the Christian for worshipping three gods. The Jew and the Christian hated the Moslem for his arrogance and fanaticism and oppression, from which they never felt safe. Of course, they commonly existed in an armed truce; life otherwise were impossible. But an anniversary or an indiscreet word, an un-equal deal in business, or a false report, and their passions were in full cry, too often the cry for blood.”

The sentence from the above quote is important; “Of course, they commonly existed in an armed truce; life otherwise were impossible.” Concerning the Jewish community during Ottoman times, Yaari writes; “subjected throughout to severe disabilities, restrictions and humiliations, they were as a rule not seriously molested.” Conditions did vary, both from place to place and over time. There were positive relations between members of the different communities, but everyone still understood the rules and knew the boundaries. Decent Muslims hid Jews during the 1929 Hebron massacre, but still the Muslim mob murdered 67-9 Jews. Likewise, during the 1834 pillaging of the Safed Jewish community, it is reported that Rabbi Menachem Mendel fled to the house of a Christian to escape the mob. These positive, welcome exceptions do not nullify the more general situations described above.

Ongoing effects

According to Muslims themselves, the purpose of dhimmitude was a killing of the soul: [The dhimmi] “is commanded to put his soul, good fortune and desires to death. Above all he should kill the love of life, leadership and honor. [The dhimmi] is to invert the longings of his soul, he is to load it down more heavily than it can bear until it is completely submissive.” Ibn ‘Ajibah

Dhimmitude entails a spiritual as well as a social enslavement. Being subservient, keeping quiet, submitting to countless minor humiliations, not resisting even when beaten or community members are raped, all of this has profound effects upon the self-image of those subjected to it. They come to believe that they are indeed inferior, that Muslims are indeed superior. The dhimmi was in fact made to feel gratitude towards the Muslims for not killing him. There are obvious similarities between this and the appalling ‘battered wife syndrome.’ Dhimmis lose all self-respect, come to believe they deserve their fate. As seen, they also will not speak out against Islam.

All of these characteristics can be seen in the Palestinian Christian leadership today. Being generally better educated, and at the same time, desperate to ingratiate themselves, Palestinian Christians have indeed often taken the lead in defending Islam to the west. Western Christians all too often view such Christians as co-religionists, an unbiased but knowledgeable reference for all things Muslim, especially on the treatment of Muslims to non-Muslims. They also trust their views on the Arab Israeli conflict for the same reasons.

And the Palestinian Christians continually tell their Christian brothers and sisters in the west how well they and the Muslims get on, how happy they always were together, and how Islam is a religion of peace.

“In the Palestinian historiography today the discrimination in past and present of the Christian Palestinians and the periodical tensions among the Muslims and Christians are regarded as taboo.”[13] Bat Ye’or notes how Syrian Christians have “dedicated themselves to extolling at both a political and a literary level the greatness and tolerance of Islamic civilization.”[14] This is also seen in Palestinian Christian Edward Said’s book Orientalism.[15]  Muslim/Christian relations have “all too often been mythologized by intellectuals and clergymen who never tire of insisting that harmony has always prevailed between Muslims and Christians in Palestine. The Anglican Bishop of the Diocese of Jerusalem Riyah Abu-‘Assal stated emphatically to this author: ‘The entire history of Palestine never witnessed any religious conflict between Christians and Muslims.’”[16] Likewise in 2011, Father Manuel Musallam, head of Gaza’s Catholics, met with Hamas leader, Mahmoud al Zahar, and declared that “Christians are not threatened by Muslims.”[17]

They know this is false and some must despise themselves for what they do. They don’t cry out to warn their Christian brothers and sisters of the horrors they have experienced, rather they carry water for their tormentors, and betray fellow Christians. Dhimmitude is submission to Islam, and that is a sin.

As Mark Durie in his excellent book “Freedom from Islam and Dhimmitude through the Cross” shows, they need to repent of being dhimmis, break the power of Islam over them and step out into the freedom and truth of Jesus.

Contemptable behavior and false hopes

Palestinian Christian leaders also know that Palestinian Christians receive better treatment from Israel than any other minority in the Middle East, and that the only Christian community in the Middle East which is thriving is in Israel. They also know that Israel, the Jewish state, treats Christians and Muslims far better than Christians and Muslims ever treated Jews when they were in the minority. Yet no words of gratitude are heard. Instead, groups like Christ at the Checkpoint spend all their time and energy, not preaching the Gospel, but attacking Israel.

Palestinian Christians need to wake up! A democratic, secular state is not going to happen. Sure, they have wanted this since the 1830s and the Ottoman Tanzimat reforms, because it gives them, as a tiny minority, advantages/protections from the reality of dhimmitude. But it offers no advantage to the Muslim majority, rather it conflicts with a fundamental aspect of Islam. Indeed, Muslim fury at Christians being given equal rights (viewed by them as blasphemous) provoked the 1894-1924 genocide of 1.5 million Christians across Turkey. The best the Palestinian Christians might hope for is to be in a situation similar to that in Jordan.

Interestingly, between 1947 and 1967, Palestinian Christians gained some experience of living under Jordanian rule. During that time, the Christian population of Jerusalem dropped from over forty-five thousand to twenty-eight thousand. (It had more than doubled during the British Mandate.) Christian institutions were barred from purchasing or even renting land in the Old City of Jerusalem. This was due to increasing Muslim demands. Local Christians were again made to feel inferior, and dependent upon the diminishing goodwill of the Muslim majority. Christianity was attacked in Friday sermons, on radio and also physically, especially during times of crisis such as 1956 and 1966-7. In 1966, the violence was so bad that the Latin and Greek Catholic bishops in Amman issued a rare public protest against the “official policy of discrimination and assaults on Christians.”[18] Between official government restrictions and popular antipathy, Palestinian Christians during the Jordanian period again experienced the reality of living as a despised minority within a Muslim majority population. And all that was while they were under the protection of King Hussain, who was a moderate, pro-western due to his education, wife and allies, and generally viewed as a buffer to the increasingly anti-Christian legislation and acts of the government and population. There would be no king Hussain in any future Palestinian state.

In fact, within Palestine, the Christians have known since the 1920s that there will be no secular state, and they have been left always backing the least Islamic of the various Muslim contenders. Having spent the past 40 years backing the PA, many are now turning in despair to Hamas,[19] and hoping that they can ingratiate themselves sufficiently to survive.

More recent Palestinian Christian history – still being treated as dhimmis

 

 

The above photo was taken 2015 at the entrance to the to the Church of the Annunciation in Nazareth. 

In 2005, a Christian village, Taiba was “ransacked” by more than 500 Muslim men chanting “Allahu akbar” because a Christian man from that village had a romantic relationship with a Muslim woman.[21] Also in 2005, Justus Reid Weiner investigated the human rights of Palestinian Christians living under the Palestinian Authority. He reported that “there is a widespread distrust of religious leaders among Palestinian Christians, who ‘obfuscate the situation as it affects their constituents.’ One Christian man said, ‘our leaders are liars: They tell the newspapers that everything is OK. But when Christians go to the market they’re afraid to wear crosses.’”[22] See also https://israelbehindthenews.com/2008/01/09/bethlehem-churches-bear-brunt-of-religious-hatred-final-piece-in-five-part-series/

In 2019, on April 25, Christian village of Jifna near Ramallah asked the PA to protect them after they were attacked by dozens of Muslim gunmen. The violence erupted after a woman from the village submitted a complaint to the police that the son of a prominent, Fatah-affiliated leader had attacked her family. The attackers threw petrol bombs while shouting curses, and caused severe damage to public property. They also called on the residents to pay jizya.  Despite the residents’ cries for help, the PA police did not intervene. According to the BESA Centre, Fatah regularly exerts heavy pressure on Christians not to report the acts of violence and vandalism from which they frequently suffer.[23]

The wider impact of dhimmitude – the moral and spiritual nakba of Palestinian Christianity as revealed by ‘the Jewish question’

“and sin, when it is full-grown, gives birth to death.” (James 1:15)

Having (in their eyes) been humiliated by the Jews for over 100 years, if Islam (Hamas/Hezbollah/PA whatever) succeeded in taking back control of Jerusalem, will they want this to be seen as a triumph of western democratic secular values, or as a triumph of Islam?? Palestinian Christians need to think about this, they know the answer! Wake up, there is not going to be a secular, democratic state of Palestine. “The fact is that if the Islamists ever fulfilled their dream of defeating the Israelis and hurling the Jews into the sea, they would hardly be predisposed to share power with Palestinian Christians, secular or otherwise. … the mirage of Palestinian nationalism will not save the Christians from the oppression that awaits them at the hands of the radical Islamists who are increasingly calling the shots in Palestinian society.”[24]

How Christians deal with their own persecution is up to them. In light of the second Commandment, the real question Palestinian Christian leaders need to ask themselves (given that they are working tirelessly to harm Israel) is; “If [God forbid!!] Islam triumphs, how will it treat the defeated Jewish population??”

Again, they need to think about this, because deep down, hidden under layers of servile dhimmitude, they know the answer. Genocide. The Muslim Palestinians make no secret about it! Sermons about trees telling Muslims to kill Jews behind them, “the army of Khaybar” etc etc etc! You know this! The PA have stated that there will be no Jews within any territory they control. They reward with large sums of money any Palestinian who murders Israel civilians, including 3-month-old children. Statues are put up of, streets and soccer clubs are named after Palestinians who murder Israelis. Listen to Hamas sermons about killing Jews worldwide. They are not trying to hide this.

So Palestinian Christians, think clearly. Palestinian Christian organizations like CATC exists to weaken western Protestant evangelical support for Israel. This is largely to show to the Muslim majority that you have value, so you will not suffer the same fate as the Christian communities of Turkey, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon Egypt etc. They exist to harm/weaken Israel. Shamefully, this is not just their dhimmitude in action. As well as that, far too many Palestinian denominations, like Christian denominations worldwide, have yet to acknowledge and repent of their own anti-Semitism.

The question you need to ask is “am I working and doing all of this year in and year out, is what I am doing enabling, empowering Genocide???”

Remember, one day, each one of you will have to answer to the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob. You do not want to face him with that on your resume! I do not think it will happen, but that is the goal you are working to further.

The other option, taught by your Anglican founders, proclaimed God’s faithfulness to the Jewish people. When the Muslims were defeated by the Jews in 1948, and again in 1967, they knew something spiritual had happened. They interpret reality in spiritual terms. Had you spent the previous 100 years proclaiming God's faithfulness to the Jewish people as part of the Gospel, they would not have liked you (they don't anyway) but they would have been given the means to understand what was happening. Had you warned them, “do not oppose this return, for God is in it and you will not succeed”, the path of the Lord would have been straightened. Many might have repented. But they never heard it explained to them by you.

So rather than attacking God’s grace in rescuing and restoring the Jewish people to the land he promised to them, Palestinian Christian leaders and their western allies need to repent, break the chains of dhimmitude, ask forgiveness from the Jewish people and bear fruits of repentance.



[1] https://www.camera.org/article/camera-op-ed-time-to-put-the-united-church-of-christ-on-trial-for-antisemitism/?fbclid=IwAR2XVooi5U-fHPkbFr-34gsu6ckAmVZKgfTWITNLTvg-7iuqwqw8C_JeHCU

[2] M. Durie, The Third Choice, 181.

[3] https://www.firstthings.com/article/1999/01/003-christians-in-the-land-called-holy

[5] Bat Ye’or, 1985; 244-5.

[6] Farah, In Troubled Waters, 11.

[7] Bat Ye’or, 1985; 224.

[8] Freas, Muslim-Christian Relations in Palestine During the British Mandate Period, 39.

[9] Bat Ye’or, 1985; 246-8.

[11] Emmett, Beyond the Basilica: Christians and Muslims in Nazareth 29.

[12] Ashdown, Christian–Muslim Relations in Syria, 11.

[13] Kimmerling, Processes. Quoted in Frantzman, 23.

[14] M. Durie, 201.

[15] See M. Durie, 201-2.

[16] https://www.firstthings.com/article/1999/01/003-christians-in-the-land-called-holy Written by a Lebanese Christian, this whole article is well worth reading.

[17] https://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4203818,00.html

[18] Tsimhoni, Christian Communities in Jerusalem and the West Bank since 1948. 1993, 14.

[19] https://www.algemeiner.com/2021/07/14/palestinian-christians-defends-hamas/

[21] M. Durie, 160.

[22] M. Durie, 203.

[23] https://besacenter.org/persecution-christians-palestinian-authority/

[24] https://www.firstthings.com/article/2002/06/the-body-and-the-blood-the-holy-lands-christians-at-the-turn-of-a-new-millennium-a-reporters-journey 

Thursday, 29 July 2021

Was Palestinian and Arab reaction to the establishment of Israel Anti-Semitic? or just Anti-Zionist?

Was Palestinian and Arab reaction to the establishment of Israel Anti-Semitic? or just Anti-Zionist?

Given that Jewish refugees arriving in Palestine during the British Mandate desired the formation of a “Jewish national home” within Palestine (something which occurred in no other land where Jewish refugees went), one can posit the proposition that in rejecting the arrival of Jewish refugees fleeing Nazi Germany, the Palestinian community were anti-Zionist, but not necessarily anti-Semitic.
This could be a complicated theoretical discussion, but history gives us a clear, unambiguous answer. Basically, to be anti-Zionist but not anti-Semitic, the Palestinian Arab communities would have objected to the idea of Jewish national home within Palestine, but wished Jews well, elsewhere. To be anti-Zionist and anti-Semitic, they would have had to not only oppose the Jewish community within Palestine, but to also oppose Jews where ever they lived.
Two examples;
Jewish migration to Palestine rose dramatically after Hitler took power in Germany in 1933. It did so as a direct response to Nazi persecution. The Palestinian Arabs did not want this immigration, caused by Hitler’s anti-Semitic policy. Logically, they could have therefore opposed Nazism. They believed themselves to be being harmed because of it.
Palestinian Arabs could well have decided that their best option was indeed to help ameliorate conditions for Jews in Germany, as this would vastly reduce the number wanting to flee. While by no means an ideal position (such as welcoming the fleeing refugees), it could have been an option. They did not have to make common cause with Hitler. His early activities were profoundly detrimental to their own perceived best interests. How then did the Arab community view Nazism?
In fact, they voted with their hearts. The Palestinian newspaper al-Jami’a al-Arabiyya, the official paper of the Supreme Muslim Council, wrote; “As is well known, Herr Hitler and his party are the most violent adversaries of the Jews … As far as the position of the Arabs … because the Jews are our enemies our wish and our hope rest of course on Hitler.” Indeed, Palestinian notables met with the German Consul in Palestine in 1933 as they wished to learn more about the German boycott of Jewish goods, and to offer their help in this. The Consul reported that the Mufti wanted to join the boycott and offered to spread the word through special emissaries if necessary.
The Arab communities across the Middle East (in Iraq, Syria, Egypt and elsewhere), including the Arabs in Palestine, saw in Hitler a kindred spirit, someone who shared their hatred of Jews, and they embraced him as such. Hitler got it. He understood. He shared their worldview. Al-Husseini, the official leader of the Palestinian Arab community, actually advised Hitler that the best way to win Arab hearts was to preach hatred of the Jews.
To this day, Hitler and Mein Kampf remain popular across the Middle East, and among Palestinians. In 1999 for example, Mein Kampf was “sixth on the Palestinian best-seller list." This popularity is iconic. It is not because of the political and economic theories laid out in Mein Kampf, it is due solely to Hitler’s hatred and murder of Jews, a hatred and a goal shared by far too many. They recognise in him a kindred spirit. This again gives lie to the idea that Palestinians are anti-Zionist, but not anti-Jewish. Had they been so, they would have opposed Hitler and hoped that the Jews remained happy in Germany.
The second example comes from 1948+. Were the Arab communities simply anti-Zionist, opposing the creation of a Jewish State, but wishing Jews elsewhere well, or were the two concepts, anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism, essentially identical for them? In early 1948, Arab governments uniformly threatened publicly at the United Nations that should the UN Partition vote pass (recognising a Jewish state), they would exact reprisals against the Jewish communities living in their lands. These reprisals, often starting with deadly riots, soon became mass expulsions. Roughly 850,000 Jews were forcibly driven from Arab lands, where they had lived for generations. Arab states punished local Jews because of Israel. Anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism were indistinguishable. Note also that, like the early effects of Nazi policy, these expulsions were to the detriment of Palestine’s Arabs. The expelled Jews found a home in Israel, greatly strengthening it.
One could fairly say that supporting anti-Jewish measures harmed the Palestinian cause. No Arabs viewed it as such, however. No Palestinian leaders pleaded with them not to do it – attacking Jews was an obvious reaction for them against the creation of the Jewish state. If any distinctions can be drawn, they would be that anti-Semitism was a higher priority than anti-Zionism for these communities, although again, I doubt they saw it in such terms.
This distinction between anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism is largely a Western construct devised by people who wish to hate the Jewish state, but not suffer the opprobrium of anti-Semitism. The Palestinian Arab community, like the Arab communities in general, had no problem with hating Jews (that was a European reaction to the Holocaust) and were generally both anti-Zionist and anti-Semitic. The minute distinctions between anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism (or Jew-hatred) are simply not a pre-occupation for the vast majority of Arabs (unless when talking to Westerners!). They have no qualms about hating Jews in general and see such hate as part and parcel of their struggle against the Jewish State.